Monday, February 26, 2018

Ashley De la Torre on Undivided Rights


The first chapter of Undivided Rights (titled Women of Color and Their Struggle for Reproductive Justice) introduces us to various groups centered around expanding definitions around reproductive justice. The definitions have become more inclusive of societal factors frequently overlooked by white activists, both historically and contemporary, who often focus on pro-choice and safe abortions. Although these issues are very pressing, they do not encompass the needs of many women of color who are often not given the protection under the law. On page 12 of the chapter, the author states “ ‘Choice’ implies a marketplace of options in which women’s right to determine what happens to their bodies is legally protected, ignoring the fact that for women of color, economic and social constraints often restrict their ‘choices’ “.

It is very important to remember how state restrictive measures, whether implicit or explicit, still largely impact various groups of women and their access to reproductive justice. An example the article talks about is the family caps policies which denied additional benefits to women that had more children while receiving benefits from public assistance. This state inflicted constraint withholds a woman’s choice of family planning as they are forced to choose between having more kids but less benefits to distribute, or not having kids but maintaining substantial access to welfare. Combined, women of color rely on various forms of state benefits for medical care or food. Presenting reproductive justice as merely a ‘choice’ can be problematic when not executed through an intersectional lens and women of color are often at crossroads between their ‘choices’.  

The idea of legal protection is something many activists of color grapple with considering the abusive history of state inflicted violence against communities of color. The case of reproductive justice is no different. Relying on the state for protection leaves women of color, often the ones most vulnerable in communities, at the hands of politicians, policy makers and judges who are typically not from the same background as the communities they are supposed to be ‘protecting’. Many have expressed their frustration with white-male-dominated spaces making decisions on behalf of women of color. The results are those like the forced sterilization of some hundreds of Chinana and African American women masked as ‘population control’. This ‘population control’ had women who only spoke Spanish signing legal papers consenting to sterilization that were written completely in English without any understanding of what the doctor had just urged them to do. White women have also had trouble understanding the needs of women of color as the two groups (and various groups within the term women of color) have different needs at the forefront. This is why we see many white women advocating for legal and policy change while women of color are focused around separate issues.

In an article written in 2015 by scholar Dorothy Roberts (who is also a contributor to the reading!) she states how police brutality in black communities is a direct threat to black women’s reproductive justice. She quotes the definition of ‘reproductive justice’ from a 1994 black feminist pro-choice conference which defines it as a “framework that includes not only a woman’s right not to have a child, but also the right to have children and to raise them with dignity in safe, healthy, and supportive environments.” When activists advocate for increased policing or legal intervention in managing crime, addiction and poverty it has a direct impact on communities of color and their interaction with police. Black women witness the murders of their family and children which threatens their right to build a family and/or the right to raise children in a healthy, safe and supportive environment. For this reason, it is important to have various, diverse groups working around reproductive rights as each group is able to center specific issues based off of their lived experiences. One group cannot be the voice of reproductive justice as reproductive justice looks differently to different groups.

What are some ‘unlikely’ ally-ships between pre-existing activist groups or social movements that can incorporate reproductive justice into their framework?

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